There is a saying by George Santayana, “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it.” In the year of 2014, people aged 65 years and older represent 9% of the U.S. population. Of those, persons aged 80 to 100 who have memories of World War II number roughly half of that, or 4.5%. I am one of those persons.
When I married in 1956, I inherited my husband’s history
along with my own. He had spent the years of his childhood during World War II hiding from German occupation forces in the French "free" zone, unoccupied by the Nazis, in the Auvergne, in the town of La Bourboule. It was the
setting later on of Max Ophul’s film, The
Sorrow and the Pity, a film based
on some of the historically documented events of World War II.
In my own childhood, I lived with my parents, both of whom had
immigrated to the United States in the early 20s, both of whom had never
experienced a World War, or lived under Nazism. But as I lay in my child’s bed
in 1944, when an unidentified aircraft overflew Manhattan, I shook with a fear
so intense, my father—not my mother—actually took me into his own bed to
comfort me.
Why did I know that fear, the fear that comes when one is
under bombardment? I knew that fear because throughout my childhood, I was
aware of a horrifying World War happening on another continent, and, because my
mother spoke French, I could imagine France under warfare. Almost every night I
had a recurring dream. It went like this: it was always dark. I was out of
doors in the night when I began to hear a droning, a sound coming from the
sky. I knew it was a spinning, fiery
projectile and as it hurtled out of the heavens, I knew it was seeking me out
and would explode when it struck me, exploding me into oblivion.
It was not difficult to inhabit my husband’s history as well
as my own: if I had not been there geographically, I had certainly been there in
spirit, and my spirit had come face to face with that level of fear. I am now a
member of a small percentage, some of whom still remember what living under
occupation is really like. In France of 1940-45, it was easy: you recognized the occupier on the street with his
immaculately shined boots, his uniform with its medals and insignia (not
dissimilar to the formal army uniform of the United States), the swastika armband and headgear insignia; and the
language with its harsh, guttural sounds, and its high pitched tenor which made
your skin crawl. Even blind people lived in fear. But what if….
What if your occupier speaks the same language., with the
same localisms you use that corrupt your own way of talking: expressions like
“bottom line,” “impacted,” "go ballistic," and so on.
What if he (or she) looks like you? Wears the same clothes, clothes you
only wear on formal occasions: dresses, pearls, two and three piece suits, red
power ties, wingtip shoes, matching Vuitton handbag and high heals, nylon
stocking or pumps? You rarely hear how much his $200 dollar haircuts cost him,
or the $400 dollar bottles of Chateau Lafitte he keeps in his own Texas wine
reserve at Austin’s most exclusive restaurant. What if he calls his mansion a
ranch, what if he gets a sychophantish press to photograph him chopping wood,
just like your Tennessee daddy used to do on cold mornings? What if she wears
the $4,000 shoes she bought while the black population of New Orleans was
swimming for its life? The occupier looks just like you. You’d even think the
occupier was one of yours if you didn’t know the price tag.
When the scales began dropping from my eyes, I was a naïve
novelist aged over 50. I believed my editor at Viking-Penguin was my friend. She
wore pearls and lived on the Manhattan’s Upper East Side. I still believed it,
but to a lesser degree when she wanted me to change a reference to Marian
Wright Edelman and her advocacy for the children of the poor—even though she herself
had just given birth. I knew for sure when my UK editor at Viking-Penguin asked
me how it felt to be an unsuccessful novelist. I told him it felt exactly like Viking had paid a pittance for the book
(which won four major prizes and nominations), a state of affairs where they
saw no reason to promote it effectively. From then on, my eyes have been exfoliating.
By now the exfoliation is pretty much complete: I have
turned my attention away from fiction, and focused more and more on the big
picture. Fashion—and language—aside, what does an occupied country really look
like? Here are a few of the conditions which provide my litmus test:
1. High-minded
rhetoric: health! sports for all! humanitarian aid; fulfillment of obligations
to the international community, etc.
2. Total surveillance of the population: NSA, the listening
devices Nazis called “big ears”
3. Control of communication infrastructure: telephone,
internet
4. Appointment into office of acquiescent rulers, often
referred to as presidents or Führer
5. Control of the judicial system to reinforce the status
quo
6. Trigger happy law and order: Nisour Square, Ferguson ,
Katin Forest
7. Punishment of non-violent dissent by teargas, fines,
imprisonment, and torture, and summary execution: Jenin, Oakland Occupy,
Oradour sur Glane (look it up)
8. Sale of publicly owned infrastructure by public officials
to private interests at bargain basement prices; upward movement of wealth to
the elites at popular expense
9. Positioning at the highest government levels of corporate
heads, media moguls, millionaires, bankers, and technocrats: Google, Krupp
10. Media
control of populations by use of fear
and promotion of fear of the “enemy,” fears of “terrorists,” fear of epidemics,
fears of “the other” whether black, gypsy, Jewish, Mexican, Moslem
11. Corruption of oversight agencies charged with upholding
public safety: EPA, NRC, FDA, FCC, PUC, etc.
12. Extraction of natural resources with no provision for
the population to consult or benefit: fracking, Nigerian or Ecuadorian oil
13. Trade agreement support for use of pesticides, genetically
modified plants, fish and animals. mandatory siting of fracking wells, oil
pipelines, oil “bomb” transport trains, etc.
14. Use of battlefield munitions in urban streets (and in
the air): tanks, high frequency sonic devices, drones, mine sweepers,
helicopter overflights
In France, in 1940, '41, '42, '43, '44, and as late as '45, there
was opposition. It was called La Resistance. It did not sign petitions, it did
not organize marches in the streets, it
did not carry signs, it did not stand silently at nuclear reactor, or
concentration camp gates. It did not boycott or divest. It did not snuff
the fires of the crematoria. It took the position that you can’t negotiate with
a brick wall.
The U.S. peace movement is dedicated to strict non-violence.
Many realize that the military buildup of domestic police is calculated to
squelch our resistance. Let us watch then when Darren Wilson’s verdict is handed down,
possibly this week.
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